Kenya is today truly in the grip of election fever.
Political temperatures are rising, the economy is feeling lethargic,
shenanigans at the Independent Elections and Boundaries Commission are causing
severe headaches and hateful political speeches are inducing nausea.
Why do we endure this? Every five years, we are harangued
into registering for the vote and into casting our ballots on voting day. Many
commentators go so far as to declare your vote to be your voice and that a
failure to vote is an abdication of the right to complain about government
policy. In fact, President Kenyatta was, earlier in his term, fond of telling opposition supporters
to stop complaining about his government and to wait for elections where they
could do something about it.
“You had your chance to lead. Now it’s our turn,” his
deputy, William Ruto, said in response to sustained criticism from
opposition leader, Raila Odinga. “Let us do our jobs. Help us, but give us room
to do what we were elected to do. In a few years there’ll be another election.”
In this formulation, there is the idea that in order to “do what it was elected
to do” the government must be spared criticism.
It is all hogwash. Voting is just one of the many mechanisms
democracy should afford the people to partake in governance. In fact, it is not
the casting of a ballot once every five years that is the crucial characteristic
of democracy; many authoritarian systems feature elections. Rather, it is
popular participation in everyday governance -in enforcing accountability and
influencing the decisions government makes in between elections- that marks a
system out as a democracy.
Elections only gain life and death importance when all other
paths to accountability and participation are blocked. And given the way their rules
have been fixed, electoral contests have become more about legitimizing elite
ambitions rather than solving the people’s problems. The manifestos that have
been unveiled this week illustrate this, focused as they are on highfalutin
visions rather than fixing mundane, everyday problems.
This sets us up for a horrible cycle. Because there is no
accountability and minimal participation of the voting public in governance
after the election, politicians will promise anything knowing they do not need
to deliver it. Voters, also knowing this, will prioritize what they can get
during campaigns since there is no way of guaranteeing that you will get
anything after. Thus voter bribery and improbable manifesto promises.
It also incentivizes corruption. Literally. Kenyan elections have become the most expensive in he world, judged on an expenditure-per-voter basis, largely because they are avenues of extraction by a thuggish elite.
For the candidates, there are incentives to spend huge amounts of money getting elected because it opens the gates to a world of looting and self-enrichment through corrupt contracting. And the more one can steal, the more largess one has to bribe the public at the next election, and so on.
For the candidates, there are incentives to spend huge amounts of money getting elected because it opens the gates to a world of looting and self-enrichment through corrupt contracting. And the more one can steal, the more largess one has to bribe the public at the next election, and so on.
Regardless of the nature of the system, there is
little recognition of the fact that not voting remains a legitimate choice. One
may either not wish to legitimize the outcome of an obviously flawed process or
may prefer to participate in other ways. Just as voting should not be construed
as the end of democratic participation, not voting should not be seen as
surrendering all rights to other forms of democratic participation including
complaining about the way leaders elected by others govern.
Contrary to the prevailing notions, Kenyan history shows us that change does not come via the vote. It was not standing in line that forced the dictatorial regime of Daniel Arap Moi to loosen the reins on society. Rather, it was demands for accountability by the masses using other equally legitimate avenues of democratic participation such as the street, organized civil society and the media that ended the single-party state, reformed the electoral system and paved the way to regime change.
Those old enough will recall that in the euphoria following the election of Mwai Kibaki, the church, media and civil society eased the pressure for reform thinking we now had allies in power. In short order, many of the bad habits of the Nyayo era resurfaced. We quickly went from citizens arresting policemen in the streets for demanding bribes to Kibaki sending the GSU into Bomas to stop the constitutional reform talks and to a proliferation of corruption scandals. The important lesson here is not that voting is unimportant, but rather that it is not the only, or even, the most effective form of citizen participation. The election of Kibaki did not bring democracy but rather was a product of the democratic space created by citizens prior to the vote.
Instead of a ballot box fetish, our focus should be on
participation in between elections. We should examine the many ways our system makes
it difficult for ordinary people to participate in lawmaking or express their
opinions and easy for the government to ignore them when they do. We should be
concerned when peaceful protesters are beaten down, or online activism is
disparaged and when MPs, under the pretense of giving effect to the
constitutional right of recall, pass a law that makes it well-nigh impossible
for their constituents to recall them.
In what is perhaps the most memorable phrase in his famous
address at Gettysburg in the aftermath of the US Civil War, President Abraham
Lincoln defined democracy as “government of the people, by the people, for the
people”. A democratic system is not about replacing the people with rulers. But
rather about enabling citizens to participate in their own governance and always
keeping government accountable to them.
If this were the case in Kenya, then elections would not
make us sick.