Ezekiel Mutua undoubtedly has a knack for self-promotion. When I first met him as Secretary General of the Kenya Union of Journalists more than a decade ago, I could tell he was a man of no small ambition. Today, as head of the Kenya Film Classification Board, he has found a way to insert the previously obscure regulator into the limelight.
However, the way he has gone about it in complete disregard of
what the law says about his organization’s mandate. The laws he claims give the
KFCB powers to police what Kenya’s media broadcasters carry between 5 a.m. and
10 p.m. (the so-called “watershed”) actually do nothing of the sort.
And this is not the first time the Kenyan Government has
tried to use the organisation as a de-facto media regulator. In 2001, the then
Minister of Information, Transport and Communications and now opposition
luminary, Mr Musalia Mudavadi, published a notice in the Kenya Gazette which
purported to place the media under the ambit of the KFCB, then more honestly known
as the Kenya Film Censorship Board. This occasioned a six-year court battle
with the Nation Media group which ended in a High Court judgement quashing the notice and describing it - and thus Mr Mutua’s
current near identical power grab – as “not necessary or justifiable in a
democratic society such as Kenya”.
Unfortunately for Kenya, Mr Mutua is more the rule rather than the
exception when it comes to the Uhuru Kenyatta administration’s attitude towards
the law. He is basically following a script that has been perfected by the Kenyan
state which routinely exercises powers it does not have, ignores what the courts
have to say when it deems it inconvenient, and appears to consider the
constitution more as a set of guidelines rather than actual rules.
This attitude has been on display in the state’s reaction to
the death of dozens of Kenyan soldiers in El Adde, Somalia when Al Shabaab militants
overran their base two weeks ago. Under the guise of defending the national
interest and stopping Al Shabaab propaganda, the government issued a warning
against republishing or even retweeting gory images of dead soldiers which the
terror group has uploaded online. This appears to have now mutated into a
blanket ban on publishing any imagery (except its own) of the aftermath of the
battle.
Pursuant to this, several people, including journalists and bloggers,
have been arrested for questioning reportedly over images they shared via online
platforms. The most prominent of these was Yassin Juma who spent the last
weekend in a cell after being arrested for posting images of burning KDF
vehicles, and Eddy Reuben Illah who has been arraigned in court for allegedly
sharing pictures of dead soldiers with members of a WhatsApp group.
But is doing this actually illegal? Initially, media reports
about the government’s warning cited the Penal Code Section 66A which appears
to justify the government’s actions. In
fact, a widely circulated charge sheet indicated that Mr Illah would be charged
under that law. What the media failed to highlight was that the section was
part of the controversial Security Laws Amendment Act and had been struck off
as unconstitutional by the courts.
In any event, Mr Illah was actually prosecuted for contravening
Section 29 of the Kenya Information and Communications Act, a Nyayo-era law that
criminalizes using “a licensed telecommunication system” to either send offensive,
indecent, obscene and menacing messages; or to annoy, inconvenience and cause “needless
anxiety” by means of a false message.
Needless to say, none of these terms are actually defined in
the law, giving wide leeway for abuse by the authorities. Even more
importantly, the courts, in their ruling throwing out the previously mentioned
Section 66A of the Penal Code, already comprehensively dealt with the issue of
images of terror attacks.
In court, the Attorney General had justified the
introduction of the amendment by arguing that “freedom of expression has been
abused by the media in publishing pictures of fatally injured people and of
security operations, to the advantage of the publicity sought by terrorists.”
However, in rejecting this the court declared:
“This new offence under the Penal Code that seeks to punish 'insulting,
threatening, or inciting material or images of dead or injured persons which
are likely to cause fear and alarm to the general public or disturb public
peace' thus limits the freedom of expression to a level that the
Constitution did not contemplate or permit, and in a manner that is so vague
and imprecise that the citizen is likely to be in doubt as to what is
prohibited.”
The parallels with the aforementioned KICA Section 29 are
hard to ignore. Essentially, the government is doing an Ezekiel Mutua, claiming
to exercise powers it does not have and ignoring court rulings that say it does
not have them. Now, none of this is to say that publishing images of dead KDF
soldier is a good idea. However, the government claims it is illegal, which it
clearly isn’t and is using the law to intimidate those who present a different
narrative from the one it is propagating.
An even more sinister reason is to be found in the words of
one of the bloggers hauled in for questioning by the police. Cyprian Nyakundi,
who spent two days in police custody before being freed on intervention of the
Office of the Director of Public Prosecution, said
he was questioned on “the whereabouts of other wanted bloggers and why he was
critical of government at large.”
Thus this is a thinly veiled attempt, not to preserve
national security, but to stamp out dissent. It fits into a pattern of media
intimidation which has seen journalists who did not toe the government line fired
from mainstream newspapers reportedly
at the behest of State House. That campaign has now reached the shores of Kenya’s
vibrant social media scene.
Like Mr Mutua, the Uhuru government has nowadays developed a
knack and taste for self-aggrandizement. But we should all be very concerned when it is willing to
subvert the law to ensure that its story is the only one that can be told.
Dear Gathara,
ReplyDeleteBut what can we do. When we see the huge train rushing into an abyss with all of us on board, what can we the citizens do? Where do we find a bigger imagination for our Kenyan existence; this is not just a clamp down in bloggers, this is a clamp down on a different imagination of and for Kenya. Despite everything we have gone through, it is such a terrible betrayal. The country is wounded, morally and in every other way. It is a traumatised nation. How can we citizens who can see the darkness approach break the trance and free our spirits? What do you suggest? Or do we give up and let what will come come?
I think the first and most important thing we can do is to resist the chaining of imagination. We have to keep the dream of a better Kenya alive by constantly articulating and sharing it and refusing to let it die. Then we must begin to organize, to bring together like-minded folks who can amplify one another's voices and make it expensive for those who wish to take away our liberties. But above all, we must abhor the silence.
ReplyDeletekeep up the good work.so this post will be helpful for all those.Very nice points you have here.
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